Edward J. W. Park and John S. W. Park - A New = American Dilemma?: Asian Americans and Latinos in Race Theorizing

From: Subject: Edward J. W. Park and John S. W. Park - A New American Dilemma?: Asian Americans and Latinos in Race Theorizing - Journal of Asian American Studies 2:3 Date: Wed, 4 Apr 2007 12:00:12 -0700 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/related; type="text/html"; boundary="----=_NextPart_000_0000_01C776B0.CCA64980" X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.3028 This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_0000_01C776B0.CCA64980 Content-Type: text/html; charset="utf-8" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Content-Location: http://0-muse.jhu.edu.linus.lmu.edu/journals/journal_of_asian_american_studies/v002/2.3park.html =EF=BB=BF Edward J. W. Park and John S. W. Park - A New = American Dilemma?: Asian Americans and Latinos in Race Theorizing - = Journal of Asian American Studies 2:3

=20 Copyright =C2=A9 1999 by The Johns Hopkins University Press.

Journal of Asian American Studies 2.3 (1999) = 289-309=20

A New American Dilemma?: Asian = Americans and=20 Latinos in Race Theorizing ¹

Edward=20 J. W. Park and John=20 S. W. Park

Within the last two decades, the racial = composition of=20 the nation has undergone a profound change. Immigration reforms = originally=20 intended to favor Europeans have resulted, ironically, in the = influx of=20 over 15 million Asian and Latino immigrants. ² The newcomers have settled in = neighborhoods, both=20 Black and White, and they are now part of the national economy, = culture,=20 and politics. More so than ever before, they are central = participants in=20 American race relations, often by appearing in the spectacular = social=20 breakdowns that unfortunately constitute much of American race = relations:=20 riots in Miami in 1980 and Los Angeles in 1992, punctuate these = changes.=20 ³ Moreover, they are intertwined in a host = of racial=20 issues, like affirmative action and immigration, and their larger = presence=20 indicates a move toward a much more complicated multi-racial = society.=20 ⁴=20

Yet, while American society confronts = multiracial=20 realities, much of recent American race theory either dismisses = the=20 significance of Asian Americans and Latinos altogether, or = subsumes them=20 into traditional biracial models. The newcomers are neither = "Black" nor=20 "White," but they are still characterized in those terms, and this = tendency impedes the development of new and compelling ways to = examine=20 current race relations. We live in a multiracial society, but we = seem=20 stuck in biracial [End Page 289] thinking. To help remedy = this=20 problem, the purpose of this article is three fold: first, to = review, and=20 then critique, several contemporary theories on issues of race; = second, to=20 discuss how the new influx of Asian Americans and Latinos now = complicate=20 those same issues; and third, to propose a number of steps that = can serve=20 as starting points toward effectively theorizing race relations in = a=20 changing, multiracial America.=20

Contemporary Race Theory and = Multiracial=20 Complexities

In many contemporary theories of race, Asian = Americans=20 and Latinos lose their distinctive racial positions. For instance, = Asian=20 Americans are sometimes described as "White," sometimes "Black," = either in=20 the way they act politically as a group, or in their demographic=20 characteristics, or in their historical oppression. Similarly, = Latinos are=20 sometimes physiologically "White," although some are "Black," and = to one=20 theorist, they are demographically "Black," while to another, they = are=20 nevertheless capable of becoming "White." Oftentimes, race = theorists=20 conceive the role of Asian Americans and Latinos in a way that = tends to=20 marginalize their impact on the "core" of American race relations. = The=20 idea seems to be that while these groups are present in ever = greater=20 numbers, their presence doesn't change American race relations = overall.=20

In the preface to his book, hailed as one of = the most=20 accurate, insightful, and realistic statements on contemporary = race=20 relations to date, Andrew Hacker says that he focuses on black and = white=20 Americans "[because] other groups find themselves sitting as = spectators,=20 while the other two prominent players try to work out how or = whether they=20 can coexist with one another." ⁵ In this account, one of the "spectators," = Asian=20 Americans, if not already "literally White," have the requisite = class=20 background and "technical and organizational skills" to assimilate = with=20 Whites. In addition, increasing rates of intermarriage between = Asian=20 American and Whites are another sign of assimilation, and the = children of=20 those unions will become a "new variant of White." ⁶ The other "spectator," Latinos, "are = already 'White'=20 [in large numbers]," and those who fail the phenotype test can = nonetheless=20 "claim a strong European heritage, which eases their absorption = into the=20 'White' middle class." ⁷ A [End Page 290] large part of this = particular race theory posits that the very concept of Whiteness = will=20 change, as the inclusion of Asian Americans and Latinos will = expand the=20 category of Whites. ⁸=20

In another, similar version of race theory, = Stephen=20 Steinberg suggests that Asian Americans and Latinos are like = Whites=20 chiefly because of their role in the economy and their impact upon = African=20 Americans. ⁹ Here, Steinberg argues that the presence = of Asian=20 Americans and Latinos undermines the chances that African = Americans will=20 integrate more fully into the mainstream economy, because the = former=20 groups are used by white capital to undercut both the employment = base and=20 the wage structure for African Americans in the urban economy. In = this=20 understanding of race in America, immigrant workers are portrayed = as=20 having taken over--or as "populat[ing] almost entirely"--the core = sectors=20 of the urban economy, and they are said to displace African = American=20 workers, and not simply by taking the "super-exploited jobs" that = native=20 workers do not want. ¹⁰ Asian Americans also help white = capitalists uphold=20 the official myth of the American dream, and both Asian Americans = and=20 Latinos frustrate attempts at a more radical critique of a racist=20 capitalist system. ¹¹ Because the theory conceives the = structural=20 integration of Asian Americans and Latinos in this way, the Los = Angeles=20 civil unrest of 1992 can be taken as a product of the economic = exclusion=20 of African Americans, due in large measure to the influx of Asian = and=20 Latino immigrants. ¹² To underscore the suggestion that Asian = Americans=20 and Latinos contribute to the racial oppression of African = Americans,=20 commentators like Steinberg call for the "tear[ing] down of racist = barriers" against African Americans in Asian American and Latino = ethnic=20 economies. ¹³ Moreover, to protect African Americans, = proponents=20 of this view defend efforts to curtail immigration, because the = current=20 immigration policy hurts African Americans the most: "to state the = matter=20 bluntly, immigration policy amounts to a form of disinvestment in = native=20 workers." ¹⁴=20

While the theories above simply subsume Asian = Americans=20 and Latinos into the "white" racial category to dismiss the = multiracial=20 complexities of American race relations altogether, other accounts = take a=20 more complex approach. The theories discussed below rely largely = on=20 [End Page 291] patterns of class differences among Asian = Americans=20 and Latinos to differentiate their positions within the American = racial=20 hierarchy, including approaches that differentiate class positions = within=20 various Asian American and Latino ethnic groups. However, once the = theorists make these structural determinations, they subsume=20 subsets of Asian American and Latino groups under a = familiar,=20 binary, black and white configuration.=20

In one, now famous and familiar account, Asian = American=20 and Latino experiences further confirm that structural forces from = economic restructuring--not racial discrimination--are most = important in=20 shaping the life chances of Americans today. ¹⁵ The purported economic success of most = Asian=20 Americans, according to William Julius Wilson, indicates that = "skin color=20 per se" does not play a key role in a group's entry into the = middle class.=20 ¹⁶ Even though Asian Americans have = encountered=20 discrimination, an experience that they "shared with" African = Americans,=20 and even though some are trapped as part of the "underclass" in = many=20 American inner cities, a set of structural (e.g., a middle-class=20 occupational niche and the availability of ethnic-based resources) = and=20 ecological factors (e.g., a small population, stable communities) = allow a=20 majority of Asian Americans to move into the mainstream economy,=20 paralleling the experiences of white ethnics. ¹⁷=20

Wilson writes that in contrast, demographic = data show=20 that a much larger number of immigrant Latinos have inadequate = educational=20 skills and work experiences that put them into a secondary labor = market=20 with little hope for economic mobility, much like African = Americans who=20 are trapped in economic poverty. ¹⁸ Latinos also face the same structural = forces and=20 social problems, like deindustrialization and an escalating crime = rate,=20 that result in further residential segregation and social = isolation=20 symptomatic of the growing African American underclass. ¹⁹ Together, these observations suggest = that=20 "universal," and not "racially-specific," policies are needed to = address=20 the problem of inner-city poverty and, by extension, racial = inequality in=20 America. ²⁰ Wilson's theory assumes that because a = majority of=20 Asian Americans are sufficiently similar to Whites, and because a = majority=20 of Latinos are similar to African Americans, their experiences can = be=20 subsumed within white and black experiences, and approaches to = problems of=20 race need not be further [End Page 292] complicated by the = presence=20 of Asian Americans and Latinos.=20

A strategy of equating Latinos to African = Americans and=20 Asian Americans to Whites is clearly evident in other theoretical = works.=20 ²¹ In one account in particular, written by = Melvin=20 Oliver, John Johnson, and William Farrell, the Latino-Korean = conflict that=20 lay at the heart of the civil unrest in Los Angeles in 1992 simply = resembles the tension between Blacks and Whites. Like Whites, = Korean=20 American landlords discriminate against their Latino tenants; = Korean=20 American merchants mistreat their Latino customers; and Korean = American=20 employers exploit their Latino workers. Latinos are always the = victims.=20 "Thus, it was not surprising to see the vehemence and anger that = the=20 Latino community in South Central Los Angeles expressed, = especially toward=20 the Korean community." ²² Along similar lines, in other theories, = the=20 suggestion is that even as Jews served the function of a = "middlemen=20 minority" during the Watts Rebellion a generation ago, so now = Korean=20 Americans are the new middlemen minorities in Latino and African = American=20 communities. ²³ And in yet other works, Latinos are now = the new=20 targets of police abuse and economic exploitation, like African = Americans=20 a generation ago, while Korean Americans--often armed = shopkeepers--exhibit=20 a general hostility toward African Americans and Latinos. ²⁴ While Latinos are defined through their = racial=20 oppression at the hands of white racism, Asian Americans are = characterized=20 by the social privileges of their transnational capital, whose = very=20 purpose is to aid the white power structure in the continued = oppression of=20 African Americans and Latinos. ²⁵=20

Other theories are more sympathetic to Asian = Americans,=20 but perhaps not in a way that recognizes their unique role in = American=20 race relations. For example, in his recent book, Manning Marable = insists=20 that Asian Americans and Latinos share the same racial problems = that=20 African Americans suffer because of white racism. ²⁶ Thus, Marable suggests that during the = Los Angeles=20 civil unrest and its political aftermath, African Americans may = have=20 "misdirected" their anger at Korean Americans or Latino = immigrants,=20 because "it is not the Korean American small merchants who denies = capital=20 in the African American community, or control banks and financial=20 institutions." ²⁷ Marable argues that [End Page = 293] instead=20 of burning and looting one another, "people of color," together = with white=20 progressives, should form a unified front to rally against white = racists=20 and corporate capital, both of whom exploit divisions within = communities=20 of color to perpetuate the conditions of institutionalized racism = and=20 capitalist exploitation. ²⁸ This makes sense because Asian Americans = and=20 Latinos share a long history of racial oppression, as well as many = contemporary barriers to economic mobility and political = empowerment:=20 phenomena like "red-lining," unequal educational opportunities, = and=20 neglect by both Republican and Democratic parties. "Narrow" black=20 nationalism would impede racial progress, but an effort to = "redefine=20 'Blackness' to be more inclusive" would further it. ²⁹ But even within this radical critique of = American=20 society, and even with an expansive understanding of American = racial=20 history, Asian Americans and Latinos are ultimately subsumed with = African=20 Americans: together, they are the divided victims of American = racism and,=20 at the same time, potentially united agents for progressive social = change.=20

In all of the theoretical formulations = discussed above,=20 Asian Americans and Latinos lose their distinctiveness by being = compared=20 to, and finally equated to, either Whites or African Americans. To = be=20 fair, some theories attempt to offer nuances suggestive of = differences,=20 but these remain in the backdrop, without ever becoming = foregrounded=20 enough to show that Asian Americans and Latinos should have fully=20 differentiated positions--or "positionalities"--within the = theoretical=20 discourse on American race relations. Yet, these groups are = clearly more=20 than "spectators" whose experiences can simply be subsumed within = an older=20 biracial model. To say, for example, that Asian Americans and = Latinos will=20 become "White" simply ignores the strict legal and social = regulations that=20 have narrowly protected white privilege in American racial = history, and=20 forgets the history of racism directed against Asian Americans and = Latinos=20 specifically, and neglects the complexity of multiracial = identities in=20 contemporary American society. ³⁰ On the other hand, "to redefine = 'Blackness' to be=20 more inclusive" might make for desirable political strategy, but = it still=20 ignores the substantial differences between Asian Americans, = Latinos, and=20 African Americans. [End Page 294]=20

The tendency to think in biracial terms is = unfortunate=20 because so much work already suggests the limits of that way of = thinking.=20 For instance, one theory insists that there have always existed = multiple=20 ways in which African Americans, Latinos, Asian Americans and = other racial=20 groups have been "oppressed" and "disciplined." To say that Asian=20 Americans are "White" denies Asian Americans their own = subjectivity, which=20 can serve as a basis for resistance and empowerment. ³¹ Among Chicano and Latino scholars, many = would=20 agree with the call for Chicanos and Latinos to define their own=20 "political space" within American society, without forever being = rendered=20 foreigners, or becoming subsumed into the familiar black and white = categories still prevalent in contemporary race theory. ³²=20

But despite these observations and assertions, = many=20 prominent contemporary theories of race in recent years, even = those that=20 explicitly take into account the experiences of Asian Americans = and=20 Latinos, tend not to take multiracial realities into account. = Instead,=20 Asian Americans or Latinos appear in two rigid categories: works=20 sympathetic to the assimilationist perspective usually equate them = with=20 European ethnics; those rejecting that perspective group them with = African=20 Americans. ³³ Within race relations literature, it = seems as=20 though the 15 million new Asian and Latino immigrants--along with = the=20 several million already here--can simply be absorbed.=20

Multi-racial Politics =

In 1992, Los Angeles erupted in flames in one = of the most=20 costly and devastating racial disturbance in American history. = After=20 nearly a week, between April 29 to May 5, the protests, looting, = and=20 burning ended with 52 deaths, 16,291 arrests, and nearly a billion = dollars=20 in property loss. ³⁴ Latinos constituted the majority of = those=20 arrested, and Korean Americans alone sustained half of all = property=20 damage. ³⁵ For days after, the national news media = beamed=20 images of armed Korean American merchants and their Latino = employees=20 standing guard against the mostly Latino and African American = looters. In=20 the haze of the civil unrest, it seemed that in this one = spectacular fit=20 of fury and violence, the "spectators" showed that they were, = perhaps=20 unfortunately, central players [End Page 295] in American = race=20 relations. ³⁶=20

While the Los Angeles civil unrest of 1992 was = perhaps=20 the most stunning multiracial race riot, it was hardly the first = time that=20 Asian Americans or Latinos occupied a dubious spotlight in recent = years.=20 In Miami, in 1980, African Americans took to the streets to = protest police=20 brutality, and the subsequent neglect by Cuban politicians. In = Washington,=20 D.C., in 1988, Latinos protested police brutality, and the same = type of=20 neglect by African American political leaders. ³⁷ Also, from New York to Chicago to Los = Angeles, the=20 so-called Black-Korean conflict has become a constant source of = racial=20 tension, escalating into major conflicts in New York's Red Apple = Boycott=20 in 1990, and in the response to the shooting of Latasha Harlins by = Soon Ja=20 Du, in Los Angeles in 1991. ³⁸ The Los Angeles civil unrest of 1992 = did, however,=20 release simmering tensions, and in its aftermath, Asian Americans = and=20 Latinos were pushed to the top of the national political agenda.=20

In California, massive political support for = Proposition=20 187 followed in the wake of the civil unrest. Passed in 1994, the=20 controversial measure called for the denial of public education = and public=20 health services for undocumented immigrants, and required all = state=20 agencies to report those "suspected" of being in the country = illegally.=20 ³⁹ Although the wording of the proposition = was=20 specifically aimed at the presence of--or more accurately, the = consumption=20 of public services by--undocumented immigrants, the political = debate=20 quickly implicated the broader Latino and, to a lesser extent, = Asian=20 American communities. In campaign advertisements and in various = public=20 debates, proponents questioned the political loyalties, economic=20 contributions, and cultural allegiance of newer immigrant groups. = For a=20 great many voters, it did not matter that the law would be = challenged, or=20 rendered unconstitutional; they favored Proposition 187 because = they could=20 send a "message" about the appropriate terms, or perhaps even the=20 desirability, of becoming an increasingly multiracial nation. In = the=20 November elections, voters sent their "message" by a two-thirds = margin.=20 ⁴⁰=20

Politicians in Washington got that message. = From 1996 to=20 1998, Congress initiated a new round of immigration "reforms." = Supported=20 by a bi-partisan Presidential Commission on Immigration headed by = the=20 [End Page 296] late Barbara Jordan, political leaders = called for=20 strict limits on further immigration, and in the process, brought = the=20 presence of Latinos and Asian Americans to national attention. = ⁴¹ Not since 1882 or 1917 have there been = such=20 unanimous, vehement attempts to curtail immigration, and not since = 1965=20 have the proposed changes been so profound. In the political=20 advertisements run by then California Governor Pete Wilson, and in = the=20 speeches of former House Speaker Newt Gingrich, there was extreme=20 hostility clearly directed at those from Asia, Mexico, and Central = America. ⁴² As the "reforms" in immigration law and = procedure=20 have under the Clinton administration resulted in record numbers = of=20 deportation and exclusion cases, the debate will no doubt continue = in=20 Washington and elsewhere. ⁴³ Overall, the issue reflects the = centrality of=20 Asian Americans and Latinos in national politics that is only = paralleled=20 by similar debates during the turn of this century, when = exclusionary laws=20 effectively halted immigrants from non-Western European countries, = and in=20 turn, stopped forces that would have transformed the nation into a = multiracial one a century ago. ⁴⁴ Once again, the reforms effectively = function as a=20 national race policy, because they intend to restrict groups who = would=20 otherwise have a greater impact on current race relations in = America.=20

The participation of African Americans in these = debates=20 adds to the multiracial complexities of immigration "reform." In=20 California, while proponents of Proposition 187 recruited Asian = American=20 and Latino conservatives, they also reached out broadly to the = African=20 American community. On the one hand, African American support = protected=20 white exclusionists from charges that they acted with racist = motives; on=20 the other, the success of Proposition 187 depended on the notion = that=20 undocumented aliens took away jobs from existing in communities of = color,=20 especially African American communities, that are deeply affected = by=20 profound demographic changes. ⁴⁵ At the election, close to half of all = African=20 American voters supported Proposition 187. In response, African = American=20 leaders across the nation engaged in major political struggles = over their=20 collective position on immigration. Some major African American = political=20 figures and academics across the political spectrum have lobbied = for=20 restricting immigration, so that "Americans [End Page 297] = can care=20 for their own first," while others, including the Congressional = Black=20 Caucus, have led the defense of current immigration policy, = fearing for=20 the separation of Asian American and Latino families, and for the = other=20 types of "reforms" that a rising tide of immigrant bashing might = produce.=20 ⁴⁶ As Americans in general debate = immigration reform,=20 the differences between African American leaders on this issue = have=20 demonstrated the profound impact of multiracial complexities on = defining=20 African American political identity in the post-civil rights era. = ⁴⁷=20

In addition, the centrality of Asian Americans = and=20 Latinos in American racial politics goes far beyond debates about=20 immigration policies, or the racial composition of urban riots. In = other=20 areas, Asian Americans and Latinos add multiracial complexities = that=20 redefine traditional relationships between race and power in = diverse and=20 surprising ways. This is precisely the case in the current debate = on=20 affirmative action.=20

Again, in California, the passage of the = so-called=20 California Civil Rights Initiative (CCRI) threatens to ban = race-conscious=20 affirmative action policies in all state agencies. Like = Proposition 187 in=20 1994, debates about the CCRI played a major part in shaping the = elections=20 of 1996. It is, in all respects, a defining issue, and the = opponents of=20 affirmative action placed Asian Americans and Latinos at the = center of=20 their arguments, the former as the new victim of "reverse = discrimination"=20 and the latter as the "unfair beneficiaries." By claiming that = Asian=20 Americans--who have suffered discrimination in the past--were now = being=20 forced to pay the price of "preferential treatment," and by saying = that=20 newly-arrived Latinos were reaping the benefits of that treatment, = the=20 opponents of affirmative action used both groups to further their = attacks,=20 while defending themselves from charges of racism. By pointing to = Asian=20 Americans, they insisted that not all opponents of affirmative = action were=20 defending white privilege; by pointing to new Latino communities, = they=20 said that not all beneficiaries of affirmative action were those = who had=20 suffered historical wrongs. In addition, through this multiracial=20 configuration, opponents of affirmative action could exploit = tensions=20 among Asian Americans, African Americans, and Latinos: in = Maryland, for=20 instance, it was a young Latino man who challenged in federal = courts the=20 constitutionality of an all-black scholarship at the [End Page = 298]=20 University of Maryland; and in San Francisco, it was a coalition = of=20 Chinese parents that ultimately over-turned race-conscious = admissions=20 policies at Lowell High School, thereby destabilizing over twenty = years of=20 federally supervised desegregation orders for the public schools = of San=20 Francisco. ⁴⁸ Across the country, the debates over = affirmative=20 action promise to bring forth even more acrimony in an already = uneasy=20 political environment.=20

More importantly, however, these legal and = political=20 challenges indicate that issues of race--which for a long time had = been=20 phrased in Black and White--can no longer be meaningfully = understood in=20 that way. And as serious as immigration "reform" and affirmative = action=20 are now, they constitute only a fraction of the multiracial = problems that=20 we face as a nation. Today, neighborhood transitions occur much = more often=20 due to the influx of Asian Americans and Latinos. As Asian = Americans=20 transform Queens, New York, Latinos now outnumber African = Americans in=20 Compton and South Central Los Angeles. Also, multiracial = complexities can=20 no longer be contained in those cities that have had an = historically high=20 concentration of Asian Americans and Latinos. In diverse = metropolitan=20 areas such as Atlanta, Washington, D.C., Phoenix, Minneapolis/St. = Paul,=20 and Dallas, there are significant numbers of Asian Americans and = Latinos=20 located in various commercial and residential areas. ⁴⁹ Some of these cities celebrate their = new-found=20 diversity, while all of them struggle to manage multiracial = conflicts.=20 Only a generation ago, white resistance to school desegregation = and to=20 busing marked the typical racial conflict in America; now, that = image is=20 often replaced with African American boycotts of Korean merchants. = As=20 armed Klansmen volunteer in "citizens patrols" to protect the = border,=20 undocumented Latino workers and their children now appear as the = biggest=20 and the most convenient bogeyman in American racial discourse, = largely=20 because they themselves cannot talk back. ⁵⁰=20

Theorizing Multiracial Realities =

When American race relations were largely = conceived as=20 biracial, they were still, nevertheless, very complicated. With = the=20 addition of new [End Page 299] groups, whose presence is = already=20 felt and steadily growing, race relations will be even more = complex than=20 before, and perhaps this is where the tendency to simplify might = seem=20 attractive. But the entrenched habit of theorizing American race = relations=20 in binary terms does not help us confront more directly our = multiracial=20 problems. In this section, we argue for several steps toward new = race=20 relations theories to help cope with those problems. Some of these = steps=20 address the emergence of multiracial realities directly, while = others=20 focus on the practice of race relations theorizing itself. = Elements for=20 all of them already exist in the race relations theory literature, = but=20 theorists should become more conscious about the changing tenor of = American race relations, and more reflective about how these = changes are=20 confronted in our theoretical analyses.=20

First, theorists of race should be more careful = about=20 using the concept "race" in race theorizing itself. For instance, = Andrew=20 Hacker suggests that Asian Americans and Latinos are problematic = in race=20 relations discourse because "Asian American" and "Latino" do not = specify=20 racial groups in the full sense that "Whites" and "African = Americans" do.=20 ⁵¹ They are instead, he say, externally = imposed=20 labels that conflate phenotypically distinct groups: an "Asian = American"=20 can be anyone from an Asian Indian to a Chinese, according to this = account. In contrast, a racial category like "Black" is said to = coincide=20 with a single racial and cultural meaning that is distinct, and = that can=20 be, and has been, institutionalized to further the racial = oppression of=20 that group. ⁵² Yet, many social constructionist = statements and=20 much of the ethnic studies literature already refutes that = thinking: they=20 show persuasively that "White" and "Black" conflate just as many=20 phenotypically and culturally divergent groups as "Asian American" = or=20 "Latino." ⁵³ "Race" can refer to culture, or to = biology, or to=20 color, to all of these and to some of them. The slippery meaning = of race=20 is inevitably imbedded in much of race theory, and that requires = race=20 theorists to be more careful with the very concept of race itself. =

Overall, the problem of defining, of = institutionalizing,=20 or of simply using racial categories in any manner has always been = fraught=20 with pitfalls, errors, and gross over-generalization. Perhaps, in = light of=20 these problems, the U.S. Supreme Court's Justice Antonin Scalia = has gone=20 so [End Page 300] far as to declare that "in the eyes of=20 government, we are just one race here. It is American." ⁵⁴ As much as that statement seems odd to = many race=20 theorists as one particularly gross and maybe disingenuous=20 over-generalization, the example is intended to illustrate a = point:=20 frustration over the new cacophony of race can lead to a general = confusion=20 about race, or even a willingness to abandon the concept = altogether. But=20 to dismiss certain groups as racial groups based on phenotypic or = cultural=20 characteristics can lead to too much oversimplification and a lack = of=20 consistency about what we mean when we talk about race. Just as = much as it=20 is peculiar to think of Americans as "one race" and thereby deny = the power=20 of race entirely, it is no less strange to think of Korean = immigrants as=20 "White" or "Black" in other contexts.=20

Second, to reiterate a suggestion earlier in = this essay,=20 we should realize that Asian Americans and Latinos have distinct = histories=20 as racial groups in America as well as a separate subjectivity in=20 contemporary American race relations. After all, they are not = really "the=20 new kids on the block" as one legal scholar has suggested, = although their=20 numbers have increased dramatically in recent decades. ⁵⁵ As Tom=C3=A1s Almaguer has shown, in the = American West,=20 where the presence of Asian immigrants and Mexican Americans has = had a=20 long history, white settlers and policy-makers have wondered what = to make=20 of both groups for over a century and a half. ⁵⁶ We can not simply subsume their past = experiences=20 or their present participation in a familiar, but ultimately = out-dated,=20 binary view of race, for such a move would miss too much. As we = have=20 attempted to demonstrate, the inclusion of Asian Americans and = Latinos is=20 important not only because of their recent demographic growth, but = because=20 of their impact on redefining and on challenging the fundamental = features=20 of American racial discourse. They are participants distinct from = "Whites"=20 or "African Americans," and race theorists should account for this = by=20 providing (or at least provide the possibility for) a separate and = distinct epistemological space for them in their theoretical works = about=20 American race relations. We already have a ground-breaking example = of how=20 this might be done, where we can witness an attempt toward a = comprehensive=20 race theory in a sustained and comparative fashion, and account = for the=20 unique ways in which all of the [End Page 301] major racial = groups=20 have become racialized. ⁵⁷ That political movements and other = social=20 practices re-articulate the meaning and significance of certain = racial=20 categories and that these continue to shape the political = consciousness=20 and the participation of specific racial groups are powerful ideas = that=20 deserve greater attention.=20

Third, a major difference between Asian = Americans,=20 Latinos, and Blacks and Whites has just recently gained attention, = and=20 race theorists should examine the subject in greater detail. Many=20 theorists have already explored the impact of transnational = dynamics in=20 shaping American race relations, but mostly in a way that traces = the=20 "push" factors of international migration, or the impact of = international=20 relations on American ethnic groups. Now, though, a broader = understanding=20 of transnational dynamics in the "globalization of U.S. race = relations"=20 can begin to account for economic restructuring and new = geopolitical=20 alignments, and the emergence of a transnational culture that has = had a=20 profound impact on shaping the political and economic integration = of Asian=20 Americans and Latinos. ⁵⁸ A recent book by Nancy Abelmann and John = Lie=20 provides a compelling analysis of the transnational elements of = Korean=20 American political subjectivity. ⁵⁹ A central part of their argument is that = Korean=20 Americans rely on Korea's rich, but troubled, political history = and=20 Korea's present circumstances to make sense of their place in = American=20 society, as well as what happened to their community during the = Los=20 Angeles civil unrest. And even as Asian Americans and Latinos rely = on=20 their "home" culture and history to decipher their place in = American=20 society, they often come to America already familiar with the = nation's=20 culture through exported images that suggest a racial hierarchy, = contain=20 racial stereotypes, and otherwise present a variety of indicators = for the=20 immigrants to sort their way through the United States. ⁶⁰=20

These transnational dynamics suggest one of the = strongest=20 areas of difference between Asian American and Latino immigrants = and the=20 growing number of European immigrants. Through television and = movies, the=20 latter know that they will become "White" in America, while=20 Asian and Latino immigrants know that they cannot. Yet, = the=20 specific ways in which transnational dynamics impact American race = relations, and in particular, their role in shaping the political = and=20 cultural subjectivities [End Page 302] of Asian Americans = and=20 Latinos remain largely unexplored in race theory.=20

Finally, whether being more careful with race, = or=20 documenting distinct racial histories, or exploring transnational=20 dynamics, American race relations theorists should try to look = beyond the=20 political appeal of any one theory, and rather discuss honestly = the errors=20 and mistakes in many contemporary works. These works often contain = a=20 powerful and important central argument--that African Americans = face gross=20 and continuing social inequalities in a nation that sometimes = seems intent=20 on turning back the clock on issues of race. Still, the political = appeal=20 of that message should not be a prophylactic against criticism for = major=20 conceptual and empirical flaws in works that happen to contain = that=20 message. By ignoring claims that Asian Americans and Latinos are = "just=20 like Whites," or that they further the racial oppression of = African=20 Americans, or that they are not even bona fide racial groups at = all,=20 theorists overlook much of the literature in their own field since = the=20 1970s.=20

That literature collectively describes the = racial=20 formation of Asian Americans and Latinos, the role and scope of = relatively=20 newer ethnic economies in the American urban economy, and the = unique ways=20 in which Asian Americans and Latinos have tried to struggle = against the=20 different forms of racial oppression directed against them. = ⁶¹ Despite the best efforts to exclude them = in the=20 past, they are now here in greater numbers, and their = participation in=20 American race relations forces us to re-think familiar, but = inaccurate=20 generalizations. While it might be impossible, perhaps, to remove = politics=20 from race-theorizing entirely, it certainly isn't impossible to = foster,=20 not frustrate, theoretical efforts that are both politically and=20 conceptually appealing. Two recent works, the first by Leland = Saito, and a=20 more recent work by Eric Yamamoto attempt to record and show the=20 possibilities for progressive, multi-racial theories that = explicitly=20 account for multi-racial histories and circumstances. ⁶²=20

The several steps we suggest here are intended = to=20 continue work toward understanding Asian Americans and Latinos as = distinct=20 racial groups that cannot be subsumed into either "White" nor = "Black"=20 racial categories. They are also intended to point out and to = criticize an=20 unfortunate trend in more recent theories--the renewed tendency to = subsume=20 [End Page 303] Asian Americans and Latinos into a binary = vision of=20 race, either as the new threats to racial equality or as its new = victims.=20 In an ever-complicated nation that sometimes seems bent on = greater, more=20 hostile displays of racial violence and tension, the tendency to = simplify=20 can work against generating effective political resistance.=20

Conclusion

Over the past three decades, the increasing = presence of=20 Asian Americans and Latinos raises both new problems of race in=20 contemporary America and complicates older, existing ones. In the = first=20 category, issues like immigration "reform," whether accomplished = by the=20 individual states or by the federal government, targets Latino and = Asian=20 American communities directly. It questions the very desirability = of a=20 multiracial nation with a vehemence that has not been seen in = about a=20 century of American history. In the second category, issues like=20 affirmative action draw in the new participants, and the opponents = of=20 government-sponsored race-consciousness reformulate their tactics = to=20 account for the changing demographics. While immigration reform = and=20 affirmative action are not, however, the only two issues that now = force us=20 to account for Asian Americans and Latinos more explicitly, they = indicate=20 a compelling need for such work. As these and other contentious = issues=20 gain more attention, we risk losing too much of their multiracial=20 dimensions by simply expanding the category of "White," to include = Asian=20 Americans and Latinos or by expanding the category of "Black" to = include=20 the same groups. ⁶³=20

Across the nation, we encounter problems that = are truly=20 multiracial, and that appear hopelessly complicated in the new = rubric of=20 race in America. In a state like California, where Asian Americans = and=20 Latinos now outnumber African Americans, and where Whites will = soon be=20 outnumbered altogether, anxieties about the rapid changes toward a = multiracial nation spawn ever more virulent political clashes and=20 draconian public policy proposals. The participants of these = debates and=20 the racial groups for whom the new public policies are targeted = are=20 neither Black nor White, despite the theoretical attempts to make = them=20 "fit" somehow into an American racial discourse that has, for most = part,=20 featured only [End Page 304] two major players. As their = numbers=20 and political presence grow every year, the unique subjectivities = of Asian=20 Americans and Latinos should be analyzed more closely to account = for the=20 different ways in which they participate as racialized agents in = American=20 society. This is a difficult task, but elements for it already = exist, and=20 abandoning that work now will mean an even larger gap between how = race is=20 theorized and how race is lived.

Edward J. W. Park is the director of the = Asian=20 Pacific American Studies Program at Loyola Marymount University in = Los=20 Angeles. He has published articles on Korean American politics in = Los=20 Angeles, Asian Americans in Silicon Valley, and multi-racial = coalition=20 politics (with Leland Saito) in Los Angeles, New York, and = Houston.

John S. W. Park is a doctoral candidate in = the=20 Jurisprudence and Social Policy Program at Boalt Hall at the = University of=20 California, Berkeley. His interests include race theory, political = theory,=20 and American public law. He currently teaches in the Asian = American=20 Studies Program at the University of California, Berkeley. =

Notes

1. The authors dedicate this piece to the memory = of their=20 mother, Soo Boon Kim, and acknowledge the financial support of the = Southern California Studies Center (Michael Dear, director) at the = University of Southern California.=20

2. See Alejandro Portes and Ruben Rumbaut, = Immigrant=20 America: A Portrait (Berkeley: University of California Press, = 1996);=20 and Silvia Pedraza and Ruben G. Rumbaut, Origins and Destinies: = Immigration, Race, and Ethnicity in America (Belmont, Calif.:=20 Wadsworth, 1996).=20

3. Alejandro Portes and Alex Stepnik, City on = the Edge:=20 The Transformation of Miami (Berkeley: University of = California Press,=20 1993); and Nancy Abelmann and John Lie, Blue Dreams: Korean = Americans=20 and the Los Angeles Riots (Cambridge: Harvard University = Press, 1995).=20

4. Rodolfo Acu=C3=B1a, Anything But Mexican: = Chicanos in=20 Contemporary Los Angeles (London: Verso, 1996); Edward J.W. = Park, "Our=20 L.A.?: Korean Americans in Los Angeles After the Civil Unrest," in = Rethinking Los Angeles edited by Michael Dear, H. Eric = Schockman,=20 and Greg Hise (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1996), = 153-168;=20 John S. W. Park, "Undocumented Persons and the Liberal State," = Harvard=20 Review of Philosophy 6 (1996): 16-30; and Dana Takagi, The = Retreat=20 From Race: Asian American Admissions and Racial Politics (New=20 Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1992).=20

5. Andrew Hacker, Two Nations: Black and = White,=20 Separate, Hostile, Unequal (New York: Scribner's, 1992), xii.=20

6. Ibid., 10.=20

7. Ibid.=20

8. Ibid.=20

9. Stephen Steinberg, Turning Back: The = Retreat From=20 Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy (Boston: Beacon = Press,=20 1995).=20

10. Ibid., 187.=20

11. Ibid. On this point, see also, Leon Bouvier, = Peaceful Invasions: Immigration and Changing America (New = York:=20 University Press of America, 1992).=20

12. Steinberg, Turning Back, 192.=20

13. Ibid.=20

14. Ibid., 193.=20

15. William Julius Wilson, The Truly = Disadvantaged: The=20 Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy (Chicago: = University of=20 Chicago Press, 1987).=20

16. Ibid., 141.=20

17. Ibid.=20

18. Ibid., 179-180.=20

19. Ibid.=20

20. Ibid., 149-157.=20

21. See, for example, Melvin Oliver, James = Johnson, and=20 Walter Farrell, "Anatomy of a Rebellion," in Reading Rodney=20 King/Reading Urban Uprising, edited by Robert Gooding-Williams = (New=20 York: Routledge, 1993), 117-41.=20

22. Ibid., 132.=20

23. Edward Chang, "Jewish and Korean Merchants = in African=20 American Neighborhoods," Amerasia 19:2 (1993): 5-21; Gerald = Horne,=20 Fire This Time: The Watts Uprising and the 1960s = (Charlottesville:=20 University Press of Virginia, 1995); and Ivan Light and Edna = Bonacich,=20 Immigrant Entrepreneurs: Koreans in Los Angeles, 1965-1982=20 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988).=20

24. Mike Davis, "Uprising and Repression in Los = Angeles,"=20 in Gooding-Williams, Reading Rodney King, 142-54.=20

25. Mike Davis, City of Quartz: Excavating = the Future=20 in Los Angeles (New York: Vintage Books, 1992).=20

26. Manning Marable, Beyond Black and White: = Rethinking=20 Race in American Politics (London: Verso, 1995). The = suggestion=20 appears also in Harlon Dalton, Racial Healing: Confronting the = Fear=20 Between Blacks and Whites (New York: Doubleday, 1995).=20

27. Ibid., 180.=20

28. Ibid., 178-79.=20

29. Ibid., 199-200.=20

30. George Lipsitz, The Possessive Investment = in=20 Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics=20 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998); Michael Omi and = Howard=20 Winant, Racial Formation in the United States: From the 1960s = to the=20 1990s (New York, Routledge, 1994); Maria Root, The = Multiracial=20 Experience: Racial Border as the New Frontier (Thousand Oaks, = Calif.:=20 Sage Publications, 1996); and Takagi, Retreat From Race.=20

31. Gary Y. Okihiro, Margins and Mainstreams: = Asians in=20 American History and Culture (Seattle: University of = Washington Press,=20 1994).=20

32. See, Acu=C3=B1a, Anything But = Mexican.=20

33. The assimilationist perspective has been = most notably=20 articulated in Milton Gordon, Assimilation in America Life: The = Role of=20 Race, Religion, and National Origins (New York: Oxford = University=20 Press, 1964). Examples of works sympathetic to that perspective = and that=20 theorize Asian Americans and Latinos as though their experiences = were=20 similar to white ethnics, include: Linda Chavez, Out of the = Barrio:=20 Toward a New Politics of Hispanic Assimilation (New York: = Basic Books,=20 1991); Peter Skerry, Mexican Americans: The Ambivalent = Minority=20 (New York: Free Press, 1993); Harry Kitano, The Japanese = Americans=20 (New York, Chelsea House, 1987); and Thomas Sowell, Race and = Culture: A=20 World View (New York: Basic Books, 1994). Examples of works = critical=20 of the assimilationist perspective that group Asian Americans and = Latinos=20 with African Americans, include: Mario Barrera, Race and Class = in the=20 Southwest: A Theory of Racial Inequality (Notre Dame: = University of=20 Notre Dame Press, 1979); Robert Blauner, Racial Oppression in=20 America (New York: Harper and Row, 1972); and Peter Kwong, = The New=20 Chinatown (New York: Noonday Press, 1987).=20

34. See Oliver, Johnson, and Farrell, "Anatomy." =

35. Edward Chang, "America's First Multiethnic = 'Riots,'"=20 in The State of Asian America: Activism and Resistance in the=20 1990s, edited by Karin Aguilar-San Juan (Boston: South End = Press,=20 1994), 101-18.=20

36. Park, "Our L.A.?"=20

37. See, Portes and Stepnik, City on the = Edge; and=20 Michael Smith and Joe Feagin, "Putting 'Race' in Its Place," in = The=20 Bubbling Cauldron: Race, Ethnicity, and the Urban Crisis, = edited by=20 Michael Smith and Joe Feagin (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota = Press,=20 1995), 3-27.=20

38. See, Smith and Feagin, "Putting 'Race'"; and = Moon Jo,=20 "Korean Merchants in the Black Community: Prejudice Among the = Victims of=20 Prejudice," Ethnic and Racial Studies 15:3 (1992): 395-411. =

39. Park, "Undocumented Persons," 16-17; and = John S. W.=20 Park, "Race Discourse and Proposition 187," Michigan Journal of = Race=20 and Law 2:1 (1996): 175-204.=20

40. Park, "Race Discourse," 185.=20

41. Nester Rodriguez, "The Real 'New World = Order': The=20 Globalization of Racial and Ethnic Relations in the Late Twentieth = Century," in Smith and Feagin, Bubbling Cauldron, 211-25.=20

42. Park, "Race Discourse," 176-79. For general = background=20 on contemporary debates about immigration, see The State of = Asian=20 Pacific America: Reframing the Immigration Debate, edited by = Bill Hing=20 and Ronald Lee (Los Angeles: LEAP and the Center for Asian = American=20 Studies, UCLA, 1996).=20

43. Under the Clinton administration, the = Justice=20 Department and the Immigration and Naturalization Service have = undertaken=20 steps to "stream-line" deportation and exclusion proceedings. = Although=20 these steps have dramatically accelerated the rate at which = undocumented=20 and unlawful migrants have been expelled from the country, they = have also=20 divided the federal judiciary, and in several jurisdictions, they = have=20 been rendered unconstitutional. For a brief description of both = the new=20 aggressiveness of federal immigration policy, as well as the legal = challenges involved, see, "'Criminal' Immigrants Allowed to = Appeal: High=20 Court Leaves Protections Intact," San Francisco Chronicle, = March 9,=20 1999, A3.=20

44. Omi and Winant, Racial Formation; = Ronald=20 Takaki, Iron Cages: Race and Culture in Nineteenth Century = America=20 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Tom=C3=A1s Almaguer, = Racial Fault=20 Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy in California = (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); Lucy Salyer, = Laws=20 Harsh as Tigers: Chinese Immigration and the Shaping of Modern = Immigration=20 Law (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995); = and=20 Charles McClain, In Search of Equality: The Chinese Struggle = Against=20 Discrimination in Nineteenth Century America (Berkeley: = University of=20 California Press, 1994).=20

45. Rodriguez, "Real 'New World Order,'" 215-17. =

46. Steinberg, Turning Back, 191-92.=20

47. During the debate on Proposition 187, a = sampling of=20 opinions among African American leaders and citizens on issues of=20 immigration could be found in: Kevin Ross, "Is Black-Latino = Friction a=20 Voting Booth Issue? Yes," Los Angeles Times, October 24, = 1994, B5;=20 John Mack, "Is Black-Latino Friction a Voting Booth Issue? No," = Los=20 Angeles Times, October 24, 1994, B7; Joe Hicks and Constance = Rice,=20 "Pioneers in the Civil Rights Movement Would Find Common Cause = with=20 Latinos in Today's California," Los Angeles Times, November = 4,=20 1994, B7; and Evelyn White, "Immigration a Tough Call for Blacks," = San=20 Francisco Chronicle, October 10, 1994, A1.=20

48. The case from Maryland is Podberesky v. = Kirwin,=20 38 F.3d 147 (1994). For the controversy surrounding Lowell High = School,=20 see Ho v. San Francisco Unified School District, 965 F. = Supp. 1316=20 (1997); and Mary Curtius, "Schools Drop Race Factor in Admissions: = Lawsuit=20 Settlement Avoids Divisive Trial While Leaving Some Elements of=20 Desegregation System Intact," Los Angeles Times, February = 18, 1999,=20 A3.=20

49. See generally, Smith and Feagin, "Putting = 'Race' in=20 Its Place."=20

50. Park, "Undocumented Persons," 18; and Park, = "Race=20 Discourse," 190-95.=20

51. Hacker, Two Nations, 7.=20

52. Ibid.=20

53. Omi and Winant, Racial Formation; = Howard=20 Winant, Racial Conditions: Politics, Theory, Comparisons=20 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Ian = Haney-Lopez,=20 White by Law: The Legal Construction of Race (New York: New = York=20 University Press, 1996).=20

54. The remark occurred in a case concerning the = constitutionality of race-conscious policies in federally-funded=20 construction project, Adarand v. Pena, 115 S.Ct. 2097 = (1995), on=20 2119.=20

55. The phrase is from Dalton, Racial = Healing,=20 "What Black Folk Must Do: Welcome the New Kids on the Block," = 206-10.=20

56. Almaguer, Racial Fault Lines.=20

57. Omi and Winant, Racial Formations.=20

58. See, Rodriguez, "Real 'New World Order.'"=20

59. Abelmann and Lie, Blue Dreams.=20

60. Ibid., chapter 3. The same types of = transnational=20 dynamics are relevant for Latinos, and may also serve as bases for = theorizing Latino racial experiences. See, for instance, Francisco = Valdes,=20 "Under Construction: LitCrit Consciousness, Community, and = Theory,"=20 California Law Review 85:5 (1997): 1089-1142.=20

61. On the theory of racial formation applied to = Asians=20 and Latinos, see Omi and Winant, Racial Formation; = Almaguer,=20 Racial Fault Lines; Albert Camarillo, Chicanos in a = Changing=20 Society: From Mexican Pueblos to American Barrios in Santa = Barbara=20 and Southern California, 1848-1930 (Cambridge: Harvard = University=20 Press, 1979); and Yen Le Espiritu, Asian American Panethnicity: = Bridging Institutions and Ideologies (Philadelphia: Temple = University=20 Press, 1992). On the rising developments in urban economies in the = United=20 States, see Light and Bonacich, Immigrant Entrepreneurs; = Pierrette=20 Hondagneu-Sotelo, Gendered Transitions: Mexican Experiences of=20 Immigration (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994);=20 Alejandro Portes and Min Zhou, "Self-Employment and the Earnings = of=20 Immigrants," American Sociological Review 61:2 (1996): = 219-30; and=20 Jimy Sanders and Victor Nee, "Immigrant Self-Employment: The = Family as=20 Social Capital and the Value of Human Capital," American = Sociological=20 Review 61:2 (1987): 231-49. On the ways Asian immigrants have = tried to=20 adjust to the United States, see Abelmann and Lie, Blue = Dreams; and=20 Takagi, Retreat From Race. On the way Latinos have = attempted=20 similar adjustments, see Acu=C3=B1a, Anything But Mexican; = and Carlos=20 Mu=C3=B1oz, Youth, Identity, Power: The Chicano Movement = (New York,=20 Verso, 1989).=20

62. Leland Saito, Race and Politics: Asian = Americans,=20 Latinos, and Whites in a Los Angeles Suburb (Urbana: = University of=20 Illinois Press, 1998); and Eric Yamamoto, Interracial Justice: = Conflict=20 and Reconciliation in Post-Civil Rights America (New York: New = York=20 University Press, 1999).=20

63. Hacker, Two Nations, 10; and Marable, = Beyond=20 Black and White, 199-200. Consider the following passage from = Robert=20 Chang and Keith Aoki, "Centering the Immigrant in the = Inter/National=20 Imagination," California Law Review 85:5 (1997): 1395-1447: = "The=20 long and short of it is that Asian Americans and Latina/os are = neither=20 Black nor White. We will not settle down into the Black/White = binary. Most=20 important, we are here--and we are not going away."

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